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nonproliferation commitment. The contemporary policy implication is that Taiwan’s high-tech industries arelikely to display stronger opposition to United States–demanded controls over trade in semiconductor goodswith China.

6. 主权脚本与区域治理：东盟对新冠疫情的反应（Sovereignty scripts andregional

governance: ASEAN’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic）Kilian Spandler，斯德哥尔摩大学国际关系系副教授

Julia Hartelius，皇家墨尔本理工大学全球研究学院客座研究员

Alva Montia，斯德哥尔摩大学

Fredrik Söderbaum，斯德哥尔摩大学

【摘要】本文以东南亚国家联盟（东盟）为重点，试图加深对主权在地区治理中的作用的理解。作者认为，通过分析东盟如何应对新冠疫情，可以对这一问题提供重要见解。关于东盟的大多数研究都认为主权是有效区域治理的障碍，而没有从概念上对其进行进一步的探讨。这种单一的理解无法解释东盟对这新冠疫情的不同反应。为了更全面地阐述主权与地区治理之间的关系，本文参考了有关主权的学术研究，强调主权的展演性和情景性，并建立了一个区分四种不同主权文本的框架。通过专家访谈和文件分析，我们发现东盟对新冠疫情的多层面回应是成员国并行制定不同且相互重叠的主权模式的结果，这些主权模式产生了相互竞争的治理模式。研究表明，典型的治理问题——机构激增、不一致以及执行差距——可以被理解为源于实践主权和国家地位的不同要求。本文建议在东盟以外的其他政策领域和地区组织中检验该框架。

【原文】This article seeks to advance our understanding of the role of sovereignty for regional governance,

with a focus on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). We argue that important insights intothis issue can be gleaned by analyzing how ASEAN has responded to the Covid-19 pandemic. Most existingresearch on ASEAN considers sovereignty an obstacle to effective regional governance without further

interrogating it conceptually. Such a monolithic understanding fails to account for ASEAN’s variegatedresponse to the pandemic. To develop a fuller account of the relation between sovereignty and regional

governance, we engage with scholarship on sovereignty that emphasizes its performative and contextual

character, and develop a framework that distinguishes four different sovereignty scripts. Drawing onexpert

interviews and document analysis, we show that ASEAN’s multifaceted Covid-19 response is a result of

member states’ parallel enactment of diverging and overlapping sovereignty scripts, which engender

competing modes of governance. Our study shows that typical governance problems – institutional

proliferation and incoherence as well as implementation gaps – can be understood as emergingfromdiverging imperatives for practicing sovereignty and statehood. We suggest that our framework can be testedin other policy fields and regional organizations beyond ASEAN.

【编译：张潇文】【责任编辑：严瑾怡】

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《当代亚洲》（Journal of Contemporary Asia）Journal of Contemporary Asia，Vol. 54, No. 3, 2024

1. 后改革时代印度尼西亚的意识形态竞争与性别政策改革（Ideological Contestationand Gender Policy Reforms in Post-Reformasi Indonesia）Muhammad Ammar Hidayahtulloh，昆士兰大学政治和国际关系学院博士生【摘要】印度尼西亚的意识形态重心从所谓的“民主世界主义”向“宗教民族主义”的转移及其对不同决策领域的影响一直是学术界争论的话题。本文探讨了这些意识形态的发展如何影响后改革时代印尼的性别政策改革。为此，文章以建国五项原则和性别政治在分析中的作用为中心，建立了一个研究意识形态争论的框架。通过这一框架，文章对三次性别政策改革尝试进行了研究：2008 年《色情法》，以及最近关于消除性暴力（RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual）和家庭韧性（RUU Ketahanan Keluarga）的两项法案。本文认为，对建国五项原则的解释之争在意识形态上影响了性别政策改革，政治行动者通过改革争论其理想的性别秩序和关系。最后，本文对改革后印尼的性别、民主和意识形态等更广泛的问题进行了反思。

【原文】The shifting ideological centre of gravity from what has been termed “democratic cosmopolitanism”to “religious nationalism” in Indonesia and its impacts on diverse areas of policymaking has been a subject

of scholarly debate. This article investigates how these ideological developments affect gender policyreforms in post-Reformasi Indonesia. To do so, it develops a framework to examine ideological contestationby centring the role of Pancasila and gender politics in its analysis. By employing this framework, the articleexamines three attempts at gender policy reform: the 2008 Pornography Law, and two most recent bills on《当代亚洲》（Journal of Contemporary Asia）是一份1970

年起出版的学术期刊。该期刊每年出版 4 次，内容涵盖亚洲的经济、政治和社会发展。目前，期刊的主编为其创办人 Peter Limqueco 以及 Kevin Hewison。据 2020 年的 期刊引证报告，《当代亚洲》的影响因子为 3.261。

2024 年第4 期（总第16期）147

the elimination of sexual violence (RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual) and family resilience (RUUKetahanan Keluarga). It is argued that the battle over the interpretation of Pancasila has ideologically shapedgender policy reforms through which political actors contest their ideal gender order and relations. Thisarticle concludes by reflecting on broader issues around gender, democracy, and ideology in post-Reformasi

Indonesia.

2. 乡绅阶级的奖赏：印度尼西亚乡村的“乡村基金”与阶级动态（A Prize for the VillageRuling Class: “Village Funds” and Class Dynamics in Rural Indonesia）Fajar Sidik，印度尼西亚日惹国立大学科学教育学院教育政策系

Muchtar Habibi，印度尼西亚加札马达大学管理与公共政策系

【摘要】印度尼西亚的“乡村基金”被认为是消除农村贫困的突破性政策。然而，本文基于对爪哇中部一个 “最佳实践村 ”的研究，揭示了“乡村基金”只是促成了乡村统治阶级的胜利。虽然村级政治机构采取了善治措施（参与、透明、问责等），但穷人在很大程度上仍然没有权力，也无法从“乡村基金”中获得相当大的份额。现有的“精英掌控”文献往往强调地方精英的主导地位，与此形成鲜明对比的是，本文超越了这一局限性观点。通过研究占据乡村政治职位和机构的有权势者的经济基础，本文说明了乡村统治阶级的成员主要是富农，他们的权力在于土地所有权和农产品生产。因此，在农村土地所有权结构和生产关系没有重组的情况下，农村地区的发展项目仍然是乡村统治阶级的“奖赏”。【原文】The Village Fund in Indonesia has been praised as a breakthrough policy in eradicatingrural

poverty. This article, based on a study of a “best practice village” in central Java, however, reveals that theVillage Fund has simply facilitated the triumph of the village ruling class. Though village political

institutions have adopted good governance measures (participation, transparency, accountability, and soon),

the poor remain largely powerless and are unable to gain a significant share of the Village Fund. In contrast

to existing “elite capture” literature which has often highlighted local elite domination, this article movesbeyond this limited view. By looking at the economic bases of the powerful actors occupying villagepolitical positions and institutions, this article shows how members of the village ruling class are primarilycapitalist farmers whose power lies in land ownership and agricultural commodity production. As a result,

development projects in rural areas continue to be the “prize” for the village ruling class when there is nore-organisation in the structure of land ownership and production relations in the countryside.

3. 双重贫困：韩国服务经济中的阶级、就业类型、性别和时间贫困的不稳定工作者（Double Poverty: Class, Employment Type, Gender and Time Poor Precarious Workersin the South Korean Service Economy）

Taehwan Kim，牛津大学比较社会政策系博士生

Sophia Seung-Yoon Lee，首尔中央大学社会福利系社会政策教授

【摘要】双重贫困是指缺乏时间和收入的一种贫困状态。本研究以韩国为例，分析了不稳定工人的双重贫困问题，韩国劳动力市场的特点使得双重贫困的风险长期存在。本研究将少于中位数自由时间的

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三分之二和少于中位数收入的三分之二作为贫困线。本文利用韩国劳动力与收入面板研究数据，识别了在韩国劳动力市场上既有时间贫困又有收入贫困的双重贫困人口。然后研究了职业等级、就业类型、公司规模、社会工资、工会会员资格和性别对双重贫困的影响。研究发现，双重贫困对女工、低技能服务人员和非正规工人都有影响。本研究通过分析不稳定工作者在时间和收入方面的双重贫困，为有关不稳定工作的讨论做出了贡献。时间贫困限制了工人摆脱收入贫困的能力，因为他们无法延长工作时间，无法投资于家庭生产或人力资本。因此，工人的时间匮乏加深了他们的不稳定性。【原文】Double poverty refers to the lack of both time and income. This study analyses precarious workers’ double poverty, focusing on the case of South Korea, where the characteristics of its labour market

perpetuate the risk of double poverty. This study set less than two-thirds of the median free time andlessthan two-thirds of the median income as poverty lines. Using Korean Labour & Income Panel Studydata,

this article identifies the double poor, experiencing both time and income poverty in the Korean labour

market. It then examines the effects of occupational class, employment type, company size, social wage,

trade union membership, and gender on double poverty. It is found that double poverty impacts womenworkers, low-skilled service workers, and non-regular workers. This study contributes to the discussionof

precarious work by analysing the double poverty of time and income of precarious workers. Time povertylimits workers’ capacity to escape income poverty as they are unable to work longer and invest in householdproduction or human capital. Consequently, the workers’ lack of time deepens their precarity.

4. 2012-2020 年日本同工同酬诉讼情况（Litigating Equal Pay for Equal WorkinJapan,

2012–2020）

Charles Weathers，大阪市立大学研究生院经济学研究科当代经济课程教授Shinji Kojima，立命馆亚洲太平洋大学亚洲太平洋研究学院助理教授

Scott North，大阪大学研究生院人文科学研究科社会学名誉教授

【摘要】诉讼和法院一直是旨在纠正日本日益加剧的社会不平等的劳动政策改革的重要仲裁者。本文探讨了非正式工人提起的七起诉讼，他们试图利用 2012 年《劳动合同法》第20 条获得同工同酬。在安倍晋三 2018 年的劳动改革中，所有七起案件都提交到了日本最高法院。法院的解释重申了雇主对雇员分类的自由裁量权是一项合理的原则，尽管这项原则限制了法律纠正工资不平等的权力。然而，法院也认为不提供各种次要福利是不合理的。这些结果表明了这样一种模式，即通过诉讼将改革后的劳动政策微弱地转化为制度支持，以促进不同身份工人之间的报酬和福利更加平等。这些案件的结果不仅推动了同工同酬，还支持了最近政府与产业界为提高生产力而开展的运动，即鼓励更多地使用基于工作的待遇，并使日本的就业制度多样化。

【原文】Litigation and courts have been important arbiters of labour policy reforms aimed at redressingJapan’s growing social inequality. This article considers seven lawsuits brought by non-regular workers,

who sought to use Article 20 of the 2012 Labour Contracts Act to gain equal pay for equal work. All sevencases reached Japan’s Supreme Court amid Abe Shinzō’s 2018 labour reforms. The Court’s interpretationsreaffirmed employer discretion in categorising employees as a reasonable principle, albeit one whichlimitsthe law’s power to redress wage inequality. However, the Court also found the non-provision of various

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minor benefits to be unreasonable. These outcomes evince a pattern in which litigation marginallytransforms reformed labour policy into institutional support for greater equality of compensationandbenefits between workers of different statuses. More than advancing equal pay for equal work, the outcomesof these cases support recent government-industry campaigns to boost productivity by encouraging increaseduse of job-based treatment and diversifying Japan’s employment system.

5. 战后日本的极端现代主义和民粹主义：田中角荣的日本列岛改造计划（HighModernism and Populism in Post-War Japan: Tanaka Kakuei’s Plan for RemodellingtheJapanese Archipelago）

Taro Tsuda，明治大学政治经济学院高级助理教授

【摘要】田中角荣首相在 1972 年提出的《日本列岛改造计划》是一项全面的建议，旨在将发展方向从日本首都核心区转向周边地区，该计划出版后成为畅销书，并帮助田中角荣登上首相宝座。本文认为，该计划是创新政治风格的一部分，打破了日本政治学术界对技术主义和民粹主义的标准二分法。田中计划及其起源从三个层面提供了信息：(i) 以田中这一杰出政治人物为代表的个人传记；(ii) 国内政治和日本的地区发展轨迹；(iii) 国际环境，因为它深受 20 世纪 70 年代初全球力量的影响。作为“极端现代主义”的体现，该计划具有巨大的潜力和缺陷，在田中任职多年后仍影响着日本的生活结构。

【原文】A sweeping proposal to re-orient development from Japan’s metropolitan core to its peripheries,

Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei’s 1972 “Plan to Remodel the Japanese Archipelago” was publishedasabestselling book and helped propel Tanaka to the premiership. This article argues that the Plan was part of aninnovative style of politics that defies a standard dichotomy of technocracy and populismin scholarshiponJapanese politics. Tanaka’s plan and its genesis are informative on three levels: (i) individual biography,

represented by the remarkable political figure of Tanaka; (ii) domestic politics and Japan’s trajectoryof

regional development; and (iii) the international environment, as it was deeply informed by global forces inthe early 1970s. As an embodiment of “high modernism,” the Plan had major potential and pitfalls andshaped the fabric of Japanese life well after Tanaka’s years in office.

6. 中国台湾地区的民粹主义：反思新自由主义与民粹主义的联结（PopulisminTaiwan:Rethinking the Neo-liberalism–Populism Nexus）

Szu-Yun Hsu，麦克马斯特大学社会科学学院助理教授

【摘要】关于民粹主义的当代学术研究，尽管涉及不同的方法和对民粹主义政治影响的两极化判断，但通常都将最近的民粹主义浪潮归因于新自由主义侵蚀的危险。然而，这种新自由主义-民粹主义命题在非西方背景下（包括东亚）的应用却又不同的经历。为了重新调整概念框架，本文采用了受葛兰西启发的学派（Gramsci- inspired scholarship）下霸权与民粹主义——尤其是“整体性政权”概念和非还原主义的阶级政治——的学术研究，并以中国台湾地区为例，阐述了民主化、新自由主义化和各种形式的民粹主义政治之间的纠葛。文章将 2000 年后的多重民运浪潮与中国台湾地区自1980 年代以

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来的霸权重组相联系，指出了“资产阶级霸权的自由民粹主义”与“新自由主义的大众民粹主义”之间的分岔发展过程，体现了新自由主义与民粹政治的各种交叉方式。

【 原 文 】 Contemporary scholarship on populism, albeit involving divergent approaches and polariseddiagnoses of populism’s political impacts, commonly attributes the recent populist surge to the peril of

neo-liberal encroachment. However, such a neo-liberal–populist proposition encounters discrepant

experiences when applied in non-Western contexts, including in East Asia. To recalibrate the conceptual

framework, this article employs Gramsci-inspired scholarship on hegemony and populism– the notionof “the integral state” and non-reductionist class politics in particular – and utilises Taiwan as a casetoexpound upon the entanglement of democratisation, neo-liberalisation, and various forms of populist politics.

Situating the post-2000 surge of multiple popular movements in Taiwan’s hegemonic restructuring sincethe1980s, this article identifies a course of bifurcated development between “liberal populismof the bourgeoishegemony” and the “neo-liberal populism of the multitude” that embodies various ways in whichneo-liberalism intersects with populist politics. Highlighting the constant boundary-redrawing of the integral

state and its associated class politics along the hegemonic restructuring processes, Taiwan’s case exemplifiesa critical approach to rethinking the over-determined relations between populism and neo-liberalismfor

other East Asian states and beyond.

7. 割裂的国家：当前土耳其国内危机的政治和历史框架（The Parcelled State: APolitical

and Historical Framework for the Current Intra-State Crisis in Turkey）Ahmet Bekmen，伊斯坦布尔大学政治科学学院政治科学与国际关系系助理教授【摘要】本文从历史的角度来审视土耳其当前的国家危机。在 20 世纪 70 年代末霸权危机后向新自由主义过渡期间，官僚机构高层和执政政客的一个重要目标是确保国家机器的安全。然而，为实现这一目标而实施的政策导致了国家和政治领域的分裂。因此，在 20 世纪 90 年代后半期和21 世纪初，国家成为了国家机器、政治社会和公民社会之间建立了直接联系的权力网络之间公开交战的场所。这些分裂——即国家机器的分割——引发了一场国家内部危机。关于新自由主义时代国家和政治领域的形成，本文指出，土耳其是关于威权国家主义各种形式的辩论中的一个独特案例。【原文】This article puts Turkey’s current state crisis into a historical perspective. During the transitiontoneo-liberalism after the hegemony crisis of the late 1970s, a critical objective for those in the high echelonsof bureaucracy and ruling politicians was to ensure the security of state apparatuses. However, the policiesimplemented to achieve this led to fragmentation in both the state and the political spheres. Thus, duringthesecond half of the 1990s and during the 2000s, the state became a field for open warfare betweenpower

networks that had established direct links between state apparatuses, political society, and civil society.

These fragmentations – that is the parcellation of state apparatuses – triggered an intra-state crisis. Regardingthe formation of the state and the political spheres in the neo-liberal era, this article shows that Turkeyisaunique case in the debate on variegated forms of authoritarian statism.

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【编译：王诗涵】【责任编辑：严瑾怡】《中东学刊》（The Middle East Journal）The Middle East Journal，Vol. 77, No. 3, 2023

1. 美国承认以色列在戈兰高地和耶路撒冷的领土主张：对反对用武力获取领土的规范的影响（US Recognition of Israeli Territorial Claims in the Golan Heights and Jerusalem:Implications for the Norm against Acquisition of Territory by Force）Eiran Ehud，海法大学国际关系教授

Pressman Jeremy，康涅狄格大学国际关系系教授

【摘要】本文调查了美国承认耶路撒冷为以色列首都和以色列吞并戈兰高地对反对通过武力扩张领土的国际规范的影响。作者得出的结论是，在 2017 年和 2019 年出台的举措并没有削弱这种规范。作者的调查结果对阿以冲突本身以及面对大国部分退出国际规范时的力量等更广泛的问题都具有重要意义。

【原文】This article investigates the effects of the United States’ recognition both of Jerusalemas Israel'scapital and of the Israeli annexation of the Golan Heights on the international normagainst territorial

expansion by force. We conclude that these moves – in 2017 and 2019, respectively – did not weakenthe《中东学刊》（The Middle East Journal）由美国中东研究所主办，是致力于研究现代中东的同行评议学术季刊。该刊自 1947 年创刊起，持续向读者提供从摩洛哥到巴基斯坦的该地区的原创性客观研究和分析以及原始资料。每期《中东学刊》都收录由知名学者、外交政策分析师和地区专家撰写的文章，以及中东研究领域最权威、最全面和最新的书评。

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norm. Our findings are important for the Arab-Israeli conflict itself as well as for the broader questionof thestrength of international norms in the face of great power's partial withdrawal from them.

2. 东 方 复 魅 ： 以 色 列 卧 底 特 工 及 其 在 犹 太 - 以 色 列 社 会 中 的 特 殊 地 位 （TheRe-Enchantment of the Orient: Mista‘arvim and Their Special Status in Jewish-Israeli

Society）

Mendel，Yonatan 内盖夫本·古里安大学中东研究系副教授

Karkabi，Nadeem 海法大学国际关系系人类学助理教授

【摘要】Mista‘arvim（希伯来语“阿拉伯化”）——伪装成阿拉伯人的犹太以色列士兵——和Hista‘arvut

（该行为）在犹太以色列文化中占有特殊的地位。通过分析流行的电视节目——一部名为Fauda（阿拉伯语意为“混乱”）的惊悚片和记者兹维·耶赫兹克利的纪录片——作者认为“文化阿拉伯化”有力地反映了犹太复国主义对巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯其他国家的看法。文化组织有助于构建一个位于中东内部的犹太-以色列社会的悖论，但作为一个不属于该地区的优越的局外人保持着距离。从这个意义上说，模仿行为强调了犹太人对阿拉伯人的等级制度，并巩固了他们之间所谓的二分法。【原文】Mistaarvim – Jewish-Israeli soldiers who masquerade as Arabs – and Histaarvut (the act thereof)

hold a special place in Jewish-Israeli culture. By analyzing popular television programs – a thriller titledFauda (Arabic for “chaos”) and documentaries by journalist Zvi Yehezkeli – we argue that “cultural

Histaarvut” is a powerful reflection of Zionist perceptions of Palestinian and Arab Others. Cultural

Histaarvut helps frame the paradox of a Jewish-Israeli society that is located inside the Middle East but

maintains distance as a superior outsider that is not of the region. In this sense, the act of impersonationemphasizes the hierarchy of Jews over Arabs and cements the alleged dichotomies between them.

3. 黎巴嫩宗派政治体制下的政党实践：解释自由爱国运动未实现的目标（PartyPractices in the Context of Lebanon’s Sectarian Political System: ExplainingtheUnachieved Goals of the Free Patriotic Movement）

Helou Joseph P.，黎巴嫩美国大学社会与教育科学系政治学和国际事务助理教授【摘要】本文探讨了为什么黎巴嫩的自由爱国运动（FPM）在 1975-90 年内战后从反对该国的主导政治实践——讨价还价、权力分享、狭隘的地方性话语和庇护关系——转变为在2005 年转变为一个政党时采用这些实践。虽然 FPM 领导人米歇尔·奥恩和格布兰·巴西尔对该党对宗派政治制度的支持负有一些责任，但本文通过社会学家安东尼·吉登斯的结构理论的角度来看待这种转变。这个框架揭示了社会实践和系统和结构的再生产在 FPM 的宗派转变中的作用。

【原文】This article explores why Lebanon’s Free Patriotic Movement (FPM) shifted fromopposingthedominant political practices in the country after the 1975-90 civil war – bargaining, power-sharing, narrowparochial discourse, and patronclient relations – to adopting them upon its transformation to a political partyin 2005. While FPM leaders Michel Aoun and Gebran Bassil bear some blame for the party’s embrace of thesectarian political system, this article looks at this transformation through the lens of sociologist Anthony

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Giddens’s theory of structuration. This framework reveals the role of social practices and the reproductionof

systems and structures in the FPM’s sectarian transformation. 4. 城市主义、气候变化和绿化开罗的公共效用（Urbanism, Climate Change, andthePublic Utility of Greening Cairo）

Mason Rober，华盛顿特区的阿拉伯海湾国家研究所、沙特阿拉伯吉达的海湾研究中心常驻研究员【摘要】绿色空间已被证明对减少有害污染至关重要，而有害污染推动了气候变化，同时通过冷却城市热岛、减少洪水和保护水质来保护人们免受炎热和干旱的影响。本文以埃及为例，考察了土地投机、城市规划和基础设施快速发展所带来的挑战，这些挑战正在导致绿地的恶化、难以接近和萎缩。有人认为，加强数据、公园部门和国有的土地回购计划都可以解决对公共公园日益增长的需求。【原文】Green spaces have been proven to be vital in reducing harmful pollution, which is driving climatechange, while protecting people from heat and drought by cooling urban heat islands, reducing flooding, andprotecting water quality. Using the case of Egypt, this article examines the challenges posed bylandspeculation, city planning, and rapid infrastructure development, which are causing deterioration,

inaccessibility, and the contraction of green spaces. It is argued that enhanced data, parks departments, andastate-run land buyback scheme could all address a rising need for public parks.

【编译：杨瀚椒】【责任编辑：严瑾怡】